Introduction

Harley Talman and John Jay Travis note, “As of 2010 approximately 5.9 million non-Christians were following Christ from within the context of their own religious and cultural traditions… they grew 2.5% per year from 2000-2010.”¹ This number includes insider movements and secret (or hidden) individual believers. Talman and Travis also note that this represents a rate of growth that is twice that of Christianity overall and that 85% of believers in this category were either Hindu or Muslim.²

With 99% of the world’s Hindus living in South Asia³ and with India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh having the second, third, and fourth largest Muslim populations globally (Indonesia has the largest),⁴ the Insider Movements phenomenon has great significance for the South Asian region. As Sundar John Boopalan notes, Christianity in South Asia “is not only a minority religion but also a religion of the ethnic minorities.”⁵ This, when combined with the general suspicion of the majority communities towards Christianity and ethnic minorities, makes Insider Movements (IMs)⁶ a key component of Christianity in South Asia.

Paul Kollman notes three interrelated foci in the study of World Christianity (i.e. “Christian communities, faith, and practice as they are found on six continents” with all their diversity in church traditions, histories, and cultures),⁷ namely, the “expanded comprehensiveness designed to capture a fuller story… localized histories… and new perspectives.”⁸ A glance at these foci immediately highlights the importance of IMs not just to the study of regional Christianity in South Asia but also the wider study of World Christianity and the global church. The rapid growth and cruciality of this phenomenon in relation to two major world religions (Hinduism and Islam) makes IMs critical in capturing a fuller story of World Christianity (Kollman’s first focus). This leads to IMs being crucial to localized histories (Kollman’s second focus), and, because formal studies into it are a relatively recent development, IMs also offers the possibility of bringing to light new perspectives for World Christianity (the third focus).

This article will present a brief account of IMs, particularly within the South Asian region, while also framing it within the wider context of World Christianity. While the IM phenomenon is not limited to Hindu and Muslim communities, this article will focus on them because of the greater volume of work done among them and due to them forming a vast majority of the population in South Asia (and global IMs). The article will not delve into much detail regarding theological debates regarding this phenomenon, nor will it try to offer a solution for them. Instead, it will seek to present a descriptive account of this movement to highlight its importance and the possibilities it opens for World Christianity.

Definitions and Background of Insider Movements

The World Christian Database does not use the term Insider Movements. Instead, it uses the term crypto-Christians similarly. It defines them as “[s]ecret believers in Christ not professing publicly, nor publicly baptized, nor enumerated or known in government census or public-opinion poll, hence unknown to the state or the public or society (but usually affiliated and known to churches).”⁹ This category includes both communities and individuals. Timothy Tennent provides an alternate description of IMs when he writes, “Members of such movements trust in Christ as their Lord and Savior, but choose to remain within their Hindu or Muslim home cultures.”¹⁰ Such descriptions reveal the challenges inherent in recounting the background and history of IMs, as well as the difficulties in making precise demographic observations. Thus, this section and the next will present only a brief background of IMs and their study.

A key question when one seeks to decipher the background and history of IMs is if IMs are a recent phenomenon in Christianity or just something that is newly recognized and studied. Talman notes that the phenomenon can be understood as both old and new. It shares resemblances with first-century Christianity wherein socio-religious identity was retained by communities—Jews and Gentiles (Acts 15). However, it is also new, as it diverges from traditional paradigms of mission; particularly, Protestant missions. He aptly characterizes them as “new expressions of an ancient pattern.”¹¹

Even within the regional history of Christianity in South Asia, one finds instances of indigenous Christian movements which share many characteristics with present-day IMs. Roger Hedlund points out that indigenous Indian Christianity was perhaps more widely spread and influential than previously believed and these movements had their “own structures and cultural expressions that are frequently outside the orbit of the traditional Churches.”¹² William Dyrness makes a similar observation, referring to the account of Sadhu Sundar Singh, who noticed many Hindus who followed Christ “yet refused to identify themselves as Christians.”¹³

There are two probable reasons for the presence of IMs and similar movements in South Asia. First, both during and after colonialism, divergences from the missionary paradigms of Christianity and established churches caused movements to be either overlooked or excluded from mainstream Christianity. Second, and more significantly in the postcolonial context, Lalsangkima Pachuau’s observations highlight both the restrictions on missionary activity in India within the first decade of its independence and the growing “anti-Christian and anti-conversion propaganda of radical Hindu nationalists.”¹⁴ Similar sociopolitical challenges are found in other regions of South Asia as well, as noted by Boopalan.¹⁵ Thus, factors from within the established church and sociopolitical pressures from the surrounding context deterred some followers of Christ from joining established churches, leading to the growth of IMs.

Accounts of Insider Movements

Having examined the broader background of IMs in South Asia, there is a need to briefly highlight some key cases throughout history that serve as instances and accounts of the broader phenomenon. These accounts are primarily from India, considering Pachuau’s comment that because of the close historical connection between India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, much of the story of the region “can be best narrated along with the story in India.”¹⁶ Thus, while this may not be a comprehensive narrative, it helps one trace the contours of IMs in South Asia.

Sebastian and Kirsteen Kim note that early Christian communities in India had integrated with the local societal structure with some even assuming a high-caste status.¹⁷ While the merits of this integration may be debated, it can be understood that Christianity, even at a very early stage in India, had become an insider to the local culture. An instance more akin to present understandings of IMs is found in the accounts of Brahmabandhab Upadhyay (1861-1907) and Kandaswami Chetti (1867-1943) as noted by Talman. Chetti had a more positive experience than Upadhyay, whose efforts at an indigenized faith were thwarted by leaders of the Indian church.¹⁸ The differences in their experiences could be because while Upadhyay sought to indigenize and integrate his Catholic and Hindu faith while part of the established church, Chetti “did not join the existing Indian churches or change his identity to ‘Christian.’”¹⁹

Thus, it seems that earlier forms of IMs were not engaged by established churches (positively or negatively) as long as they did not infringe on existing structures and practices. A more recent example of IMs is found in Herbert Hoefer’s work Churchless Christianity, where he recounts his experience of Hindu followers of Christ in South India.²⁰ These were communities that, despite being followers of Christ, refused to align with established churches primarily due to sociopolitical reasons.

Early studies of IMs in the Muslim world are found in Rev. Henry Riggs’ 1938 work—Report Written on Behalf of the Near Eastern Council on Muslim Evangelism—where he identified two problems that contributed to the lack of fruit in mission to Muslims. First, there was a difference in the understanding of Christian teachings as taught by Christians and understood by Muslims. This led to moves towards contextualizing the gospel for Muslims. Second, the understanding that “in the thought of the Moslem a change of religion is primarily a change of group-connection and group-loyalty”²¹ —led to a greater inclination towards IMs. John D.C. Anderson furthered this understanding of IMs among Muslims when he introduced the term “Jesus Muslim.”²² These early works in understanding IMs among Muslims show the desire to articulate and learn from what was already happening on the ground.

Tim Green points to the sizable IM phenomenon among Muslims in Bangladesh that sees groups “acquire new names and new collective identity markers.”²³ Thus, while members of IMs do retain their membership in the society and culture of their birth, they do not do so in the same manner as before their commitment to Christ. Instead, IMs seem to form hybrid communities that have the potential to act as bridges between majority religions and Christianity.

Demographical and Sociopolitical Insights into Insider Movements

The Center for the Study of Global Christianity notes that only about 12% of people of other religions in the South-central Asian region know a Christian personally.²⁴ The number is 13% for Hindus and 10% for Muslims.²⁵ This immediately highlights the need and potential benefits of IMs in this region where there is a high chance of converts to Christianity being faced with the choice of either finding Christians outside their community and thereby risking separation from their community or remaining isolated from other Christians by staying within their communities. Other than the lack of proximity and familiarity with Christians, the report also highlights a second characteristic of the sociopolitical situation in South-central Asia—“the region is the most restrictive in the world in terms of religious freedom.”²⁶ The report highlights reduced religious freedom in India with the rise of Hindu nationalism and because of social restrictions in Sri Lanka and Pakistan (alongside India).²⁷ It may be added that similar sociopolitical restrictions exist even in Nepal and Bangladesh with majority Hindu and Muslim populations respectively, that are increasingly suspicious of Christianity, which, as pointed out earlier, has been more a religion of ethnic minorities.

Due to the nature of the IM phenomenon, it is difficult to have concrete numbers for the entire region. Also, it is likely that the numbers counted may tend toward the lower side because most people in IMs may not readily reveal their identity. However, studies on groups of IMs in specific areas do yield approximate local numbers. Tennent notes that there were approximately 160,000 people belonging to the Jesu bhakta movement (an Insider movement within Hinduism) and 200,000 or more Muslims who worship Jesus as Isa²⁸. These numbers indicate that while IMs may not represent a majority even within Christianity, their numbers are not insignificant.

A key insight into IMs is provided by Darren Duerksen’s observation regarding the Yeshu Satsang in northern India wherein he notes that all eight leaders that he interviewed “came to faith in Jesus through, and were discipled in, churches and/or Christian parachurch organizations.”²⁹ Hence, it may be posited that IMs are not necessarily entirely abstracted from established churches and Christian communities.

Relevance of Insider Movements for World Christianity

The growth of IMs and their study enriches and challenges the global church in multiple ways. While a thorough examination of possible solutions to the issues and challenges raised by IMs for World Christianity is beyond the scope of this article, this section will highlight key points of relevance of IMs for World Christianity and the global church.

H.L. Richard highlights the hegemonic nature of the modern concept of religion seen in the light of its usage in the Enlightenment and its close relationship with orientalism and colonialism.³⁰ This is a key differentiator between the modern IM phenomenon and similar phenomena in the early church. The presence of IMs and the debates surrounding the belonging of its adherents reveal the still-present hegemonic character of religion and its usage. As Richard points out, “insider movements (at least at their best) are holistic and revise the modern compartmentalized understanding of religion.”³¹ This is a potentially vital contribution that the IM phenomenon can make for World Christianity, especially in the South Asian region wherein religious pluralism is the norm. Additionally, because of the interweaving of religious identity with sociocultural belonging in this region, IMs raise questions and open doors for missions. This is particularly true of present-day understandings of evangelism—what evangelism entails and what its end goal should be.

Rebecca Lewis points out potential pitfalls of Jesus Movements (also applies to other IMs), of which two are particularly relevant, “inadequate discipleship and Christian leaders can undermine Jesus movements, even unintentionally.”³² These reveal two key action areas for the global church as it confronts and seeks to understand the IM phenomenon. First, the need for discipleship that extends beyond the walls of the established church. Second, the need to acknowledge and give validity to alternate expressions of the Christian faith. The first need connects with Talman and Travis’ category of “alongsiders … Jesus followers from outside the community, whether nationals or expatriates, to walk alongside insiders in their faith journey with Jesus.”³³ It goes without saying that the exact role and methods used by alongsiders will depend on the needs and opportunities presented by the context.

Finally, as Richard points out, the IM phenomenon challenges “compartmentalized views of religion”³⁴ calling for a more holistic approach to missions beyond just the social dimensions. Deeper engagement with IMs with a more holistic approach to missions can potentially challenge even established frameworks used to classify IMs such as Travis’ C-Spectrum, which was developed while studying Muslim IMs. Thus, “[w]hile helpful in some ways, the Spectrum has also been misunderstood or misused…. Narratives and case studies, with appropriate anonymity and safeguards, can bring out nuances and complexities that a spectrum or scale cannot.”³⁵ These comments provide insights into potential developments in our understanding of World Christianity. Narratives and case studies have the potential to make room for diversity while still allowing for IMs within the global body of Christ by discerning common threads that connect these communities with the wider Church across space and time. Thus, IMs can not only lead to a rethink of global Christian identity but also help open avenues for innovations in theological research.

Conclusion

While there may be questions about the specifics regarding the presence and reach of the IM phenomenon, it cannot be argued that they are inconsequential. Even conservative estimates reveal their importance both to demographic and theological aspects of World Christianity.

Finally, it must be emphasized that the IM phenomenon, despite all the complexity and the challenges it presents, is still part of the same God’s work who formed the established church. IMs are a challenge for us to tell “the more complex story of World Christianity today” which “entails a more complex practice of border crossing than the reigning paradigms and models of church history have allowed.”³⁶ Thus, IMs are a challenge to the established church’s structures and borders that limit its understanding of God’s mission. It challenges the church to rethink its identity, practices, and methodologies for study, in the light of the scale and nature of God’s work in the world.

Matthias Gergan serves as Program Coordinator for the ThM/PhD in Theological Studies offered by the Asia Graduate School of Theology in collaboration with the International Graduate School of Leadership. He also serves as Project Editor for Non-Commentary Books for Asia Theological Association (ATA) Publications. His current research interests are World Christianity, the church in Asia, and the development of theological studies in Asia. Matthias is from a mixed Ladakhi and Lepcha heritage from the Indian Himalayan region. He currently lives in Dehradun in Uttarakhand with his wife Menguphrenuo, mother, and son. His most recent article is “Faith Seeking Understanding in the Indian Himalayan Region” in Insights Journal.